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In an analysis, of basic vocabulary only, from the Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database is contradictory in that while in part it suggests that Tongan and Samoan form a subgroup, [6] the old subgroups Tongic and Nuclear Polynesian are still included in the classification search of the database itself.

There are approximately , Samoan speakers worldwide, 50 per cent of whom live in the Samoan Islands. Among ethnic Samoans in New Zealand, The majority of Samoans in New Zealand Of those who speak Samoan, According to the Australian census of , there were 38, speakers of Samoan in Australia , and 39, people of Samoan ancestry.

US Census shows more than , Samoans reside in the United States, which is triple the number of people living in American Samoa, while slightly less than the estimated population of the island nation of Samoa — ,, as of July Samoan Language Week was started in Australia for the first time in The Samoa alphabet consists of 14 letters, with another three letters H , K , R used in loan words.

Vowel length is phonemic in Samoan; all five vowels also have a long form denoted by the macron. The combination of u followed by a vowel in some words creates the sound of the English w , a letter not part of the Samoan alphabet, as in uaua artery, tendon.

The presence or absence of the glottal stop affects the meaning of words otherwise spelled the same, [11] e. The consonants in parentheses are only present in loanwords and formal Samoan.

Loanwords from English and other languages have been adapted to Samoan phonology: [16]. Stress generally falls on the penultimate mora ; that is, on the last syllable if that contains a long vowel or diphthong or on the second-last syllable otherwise.

The same thing is done in referring to a family; as Sa Muliaga, the family of Muliaga, the term Sa referring to a wide extended family of clan with a common ancestor.

So also all words ending in a diphthong , as mamau , mafai , avai. Reduplicated words have two accents; as palapala , mud; segisegi , twilight.

The articles le and se are unaccented. Samoan syllable structure is C V, where V may be long or a diphthong. A sequence VV may occur only in derived forms and compound words; within roots, only the initial syllable may be of the form V.

Every syllable ends in a vowel. No syllable consists of more than three sounds, one consonant and two vowels, the two vowels making a diphthong; as fai , mai , tau.

Roots are sometimes monosyllabic , but mostly disyllabic or a word consisting of two syllables. Like many Austronesian languages, Samoan has separate words for inclusive and exclusive we , and distinguishes singular , dual , and plural.

The root for the inclusive pronoun may occur in the singular, in which case it indicates emotional involvement on the part of the speaker. Names of natural objects, such as men, trees and animals, are mostly primitive nouns, e.

These verbal nouns have an active participial meaning; e. The context in such cases decides the meaning.

Sometimes the addition of ga makes the signification intensive; such as ua and timu , rain; uaga and timuga , continued pouring of rain.

The reciprocal form of the verb is often used as a noun; e. A few diminutives are made by reduplication , e.

Adjectives are made into abstract nouns by adding an article or pronoun; e. Many verbs may become participle-nouns by adding ga ; as sau , come, sauga ; e.

No other names of objects have any mark of gender. Properly there is no dual. It is expressed by omitting the article and adding numbers e lua for things e.

Plurality is also expressed by internal reduplication in Samoan verbs -CV- infix , by which the root or stem of a word , or part of it, is repeated.

Possessive relations are indicated by the particles a or o. Possessive pronouns also have a-forms and o-forms: lou , lau , lona , lana , lo and la matou , etc.

Writers in the s like Platt were unable to understand the underlying principles governing the use of the two forms: "There is no general rule which will apply to every case.

Pratt instead gives a rote list of uses and exceptions:. Some adjectives are primitive, as umi , long; poto , wise. Others are formed by doubling the noun; as pona , a knot; ponapona , knotty; fatu , a stone; fatufatu , stony.

Or they may be reckoned as nouns in the genitive. The plural is sometimes distinguished by doubling the first syllable; as sina , white; plural, sisina ; tele , great; pl.

In compound words the first syllable of the root is doubled; as maualuga , high; pl. Silisili ese , highest, ese , differing from all others. Naua has often the meaning of "too much"; ua tele naua , it is greater than is required.

For example:- The girl went to the house. SVO ; girl subject , went verb , house object. A phrase or clause can be made negative by the addition of a particle , a morpheme usually meaning 'not'.

Negative imperative verbs are discussed later in this entry. In this example of a negated declarative sentence , it can be seen that, in Samoan, there is no equivalent gloss for 'unhappy'.

This particle can be attached to nearly all nouns and non-ergative verbs. The particles forming a category are not always mutually exclusive: for instance, while two negative particles cannot be combined, certain prepositions can occur together.

This demonstrates that the negative particle must always follow these two types of preceding particles in the sentence, even if they are both present.

They differ from all other Samoan verbs in at least one respect: they cannot be negated by a negative particle. It seems that the inclusion of negation in the verb itself disallows the negative particle from the sentence structure.

PL car. In this example, the existential verb leai has been used to indicate the absence of something that is, the cars rather than using a negative particle.

However, a negative particle lei has been used in the second clause , modifying the verbal clause to create the phrase "the roads did NOT reach there", with the emphasis on the absence of the roads in that area.

This means that leai acts as if non-existence is a general fact, rather than linking it to a specific point in time. When another verb follows leai within the same verb phrase , it functions as a more emphatic negation meaning something like "not at all".

This is demonstrated in the following example:. These negative imperative verbs can be used independently of negative particles; as the negation is in the verb itself, an extra particle is not required.

As discussed above, this sentence does not require a negative particle, because the negative imperative verb is sufficient.

The language has a polite or formal variant used in oratory and ceremony as well as in communication with elders, guests, people of rank and strangers.

The consonant system of colloquial Samoan "casual Samoan", or "tautala leaga" as it is known is slightly different from the literary language "proper Samoan", or "tautala lelei" , and is referred to as K speech or K style.

Therefore, in colloquial Samoan speech, common consonant replacements occur such as: [11] [18]. The gagana fa'aaloalo polite speech register is used by lower-ranking people to address people of higher status, such as their family matai chief, government officials, or clergy.

It is also the formal register used among chiefs during ceremonial occasions and social rites such as funerals, weddings, chiefly title bestowals and village council meetings.

It is not common for entire conversations to be held in chiefly register, and the "dignified language" is used mainly in making formal introductions between individuals, opening and concluding formal meetings, and executing ceremonial tasks such as the Samoa 'ava ceremony.

It is also considered proper to use the "polite" language when praying. Untitled people those without matai chief titles who are unfamiliar with each other will often greet each other in chiefly register as a common courtesy, while familiar individuals frequently use chiefly addresses in jest as in humorously addressing friends with "talofa lava lau afioga" — "respectful greetings your highness" — instead of the more colloquial "malo sole!

Another polite form of speech in "polite" Samoan includes terms and phrases of self-abasement that are used by the speaker in order to show respect and flatter the listener.

Overshadowing the dignity or prestige of higher-ranking individuals is a grave offense in Samoan culture, so words are chosen very carefully to express individual feelings in a way that acknowledges relative statuses within social hierarchy.

Encounters with Europeans began in the s, followed by the era of colonialism in the Pacific. Samoan was only a spoken language until the early to mids when Christian missionaries began documenting the spoken language for religious texts and introducing the Latin script for writing.

In , an orthography of the language was distributed by the London Missionary Society , which also set up a printing press by The first problem that faced the missionaries in Polynesia was that of learning the language of the island, which they intended to convert to Christianity.

The second was that of identifying the sounds in the local languages with the symbols employed in their own languages to establish alphabets for recording the spelling of native words.

Having established more-or-less satisfactory alphabets and spelling, teaching the indigenous people how to write and read their own language was next necessary.

A printing press , with the alphabet keys used only English, was part of the mission equipment, and it was possible not only to translate and write out portions of the Bible scriptures, and hymns in the local language but also to print them for use as texts in teaching.

Thus, the missionaries introduced writing for the first time within Polynesia, were the first printers and established the first schools in villages.

The letter g represents a velar nasal, as in the English word sing, rather than a voiced velar stop, as in the English go.

It contains sections on Samoan proverbs and poetry, and an extensive grammatical sketch. The term mano was an utmost limit until the adoption of loan words like miliona million and piliona billion.

Otherwise, quantities beyond mano were referred to as manomano or ilu ; that is, innumerable. The prefix fa'a is also used to indicate the number of times.

For example; fa'atolu — three times. Or fa'afia? The prefix "lona" or "le" indicates sequential numbering, as in "lona lua" second , lona tolu third , "le fa" fourth ; "muamua" or "ulua'i" denote "first".

Familial sequence was denoted with terms such as ulumatua "eldest" , ui'i "youngest" , and ogatotonu "middle child" ; first and last born were also deemed honorifically, pa le manava "opening the womb" and pupuni le manava "sealing the womb" , respectively.

To denote the number of persons, the term to'a is used. For example; E to'afitu tagata e o i le pasi. The suffix "lau" is used when formally counting fish, in reference to the customary plaiting of fish in leaves "lau" before cooking.

For example: "tolu lau" — three fishes. There are also formal prefixes or suffixes used in the chiefly register when counting different species of fish, taro , yams , bananas , chickens , pigs , and other foodstuffs.

Despite the geographical distance, there are many shared words between different Austronesian languages. Note the presence of IPA key where available.

Though it is not the primary language of a number of nations outside of Samoa, there is an effort by the descendants of Samoans to learn the native language of their ancestors and to better understand their origins and history.

Much like any language, a shift is occurring in the way words are spoken and pronounced, especially as Samoans further integrate with other languages.

Unfortunately, most looking to learn Samoan are forced to turn to written materials instead of living examples.

To preserve the language, linguists must use diacritical marks. The election of a matai is under the guidance of another matai who is related to the family, allowing for a fair election.

Once a new matai is chosen, a feast is thrown for the family, followed by a bigger feast for the whole village at a later date. At the larger feast, the matai is expected to give a traditional inaugural speech, displaying his abilities to speak publicly, his wisdom and retelling of Samoan myths.

Throughout this speech he is watched by village council, as well as all the other matais in the village. The newly elected matai is expected to host a village-wide feast where he is tasked with providing food for the meal, as well as getting the other matais gifts.

Once this task is completed the newly elected matai is officially considered the matai of his household and will hold the position for the rest of his life, should he lead correctly.

In certain cases where a matai is deemed cruel or ineffective, the title is stripped and a new matai is elected.

However, a more often occurrence is the current matai becoming elderly or ill and requesting that a new matai be elected in order for there to be a more stable and effective leadership in place.

The main leader of each individual household is named the aiga of the family. One person, predominately a male figure, is elected to become the aiga of his extended family.

Elections take place after the former Aiga has died or is no longer able to fulfill his duties, either for ethical reasonings or old age.

Elections are a long and strenuous process for members of the extended family. For one portion of the family is going up against the other portion, leading to tensions within the whole family.

Each Aiga is the owner of their extended family's land. On that piece of land, families live, grow crops, cook and do other household chores.

Also on that piece of land is where the matai resides. Due to the large amount of households within a single village, there are a large amount of aiga.

So much so that some are able to trace back their aiga timeline over a dozen different aiga. The reasoning for the large amount of aigas is that the title could be claimed through blood ties, marriage, and adoption.

While chiefs, talking chiefs and matais all have a title, there are men in the village that are untitled. These men are placed in a group called the aumaga.

These men are the labor core of the community as they perform most the heavy labor. The aumaga are tasked with building houses, repairing roads, planting and harvesting gardens, fishing, and cutting and selling coconut meat.

The aumaga also have ceremonial responsibilities, such as helping the chief in ritual cooking and serving the food at ceremonies.

They also serve as informal keepers of the peace, interacting with each other as a large group of friends.

They often play cards, cricket or gather for dances and parties with each other. The aumaga are supervised by a relative of the chief, called the manaia supervisor , who helps organize the aumaga and plan their activities.

It is possible, as the natives suggest, that the Samoan Islands were settled some time before BC and that the original settlement predates the arrival of those to whom the pottery was culturally relevant.

It is also generally a wide spread cultural belief throughout Samoa that the islands were the central base point for the beginning of the great voyages, the Polynesian expansion to the East and South.

The voyages still spoken of in ancient Polynesian chieftain oratory poetics lauga are called 'taeao'; a recalling of past histories and contacts within the Polynesian archipelago by Samoan oral high chiefs.

Early contact with Europeans was established in the 18th century. Christianity was formally introduced with the arrival of L.

Christian missionaries in August The western islands became German Samoa. Western Samoa regained its independence on January 1, In it formally changed its name to Samoa.

Marriage ceremonies are important Samoan cultural events. Marriage involves the transfer of property of the female, the toga, and the male's property, the oloa.

It is a village event, with two ceremonies and a feast at the conclusion. In the first ceremony, the bride and groom march through the village to a district judge.

The judge then conducts a civil ceremony. Concluding that official ceremony, the newlyweds next gather in a church where a religious ceremony is performed by a member of the church.

At a feast, families provide food from all over the village. After the conclusion of the wedding, the newlyweds choose which side of the family they would like to live with.

After moving in with a particular family, they are expected to do work around the land and the house to help provide for their family.

When families have children, they too are expected to help with duties and chores around the land, by age three or four.

The young girls take care of other children and housework, while the boys help with cultivation, animals and water gathering.

By the time the children reach the age of seven or eight, they are expected to know and be acclimated to the life and chores of the Samoan culture.

This includes being adept at "agriculture, fishing, cooking, and child care" [11] along with a multitude of other chores that their elders have directed them to do.

As the Samoans grow up, they are given the most tasks and responsibilities they can hold, until they can take over fully for the aging members of their extended family.

When a member of extended family dies, the funeral preparations start almost immediately. The deceased body is bathed and dressed in white. They are placed on woven mats before the funeral less than hours later.

A feast concludes the event, with food being served to mourners and people who helped with the burial. Other family members take over the responsibilities of the deceased while still serving their own personal chores around the land.

The elected Matai of the community is the controller of every portion of a village land. The village Matai says what cultivators will do with land and "hold sway over allocation of plots and the ways in which those plots are used.

This is to avoid it being controlled by one family for a long period of time. Village house lots is where individual houses or huts of single person or family lives.

These houses are built in clusters. The clusters include multiple different aspects, but all look the same. Each house includes a main sleeping house, a guest house and a latrine.

The underbrush covers the entirety of the land. These plots of land are recognizable to all villagers and are separated by boundaries.

Boundaries are usually made up from a variety of rocks, streams, trees and plants. It is very easy to distinguish the different properties owned by separate families.

Family reserve sections are where crops are cultivated. The biggest amount of crops grown within the Samoan culture is taro leaves and yams.

However, they would be no longer classified as a family reserve but regarded as owning the crops but not the land. This is due to the fact that crops grown here are able to grow quickly and easily without many interruptions.

Village land is the least cultivated and most shared portion of land in Samoan villages. To be able to plant here requires permission from the village council.

This is because "the land is community property and not family owned". Traditional Samoan tattoo tatau , pe'a male tatau , malu female tatau , demonstrate the strong ties many Samoans feel for their culture.

Samoans have practiced the art of tattooing men and women for over 2, years. To this day, a man's tattoo extensively covers from mid-back, down the sides and flanks, to the knees.

A woman's tattoo is not as extensive or heavy. The geometric patterns are based on ancient designs that often denote rank and status.

The va'a canoe , for example, stretches across a man's mid-back. In Samoa's cultural past most males were tattooed between the ages of 14—18, when it was determined they had stopped growing, so the designs would not stretch and suffer in beauty.

Today, there has been a strong revival of traditional tattooing in the past generation, not only in Samoa but throughout Polynesia, often as a symbol of cultural identity.

Tatau, the Samoan word for tattoo has a number of meanings including correct or rightness. It also signifies the correct quadrangular figures in reference to the fact that Samoan tattoo designs do not include circular lines, although other Polynesian tattoo motifs do.

Early Englishmen mispronounced the word tatau and borrowed it into popular usage as tattoo. Traditional tattooing is a painful process.

The Samoan tattoo master dips his cutting tools into black ink made from the soot of burnt candlenut shells and then punctures designs into the skin.

The cutting tool consists of a short piece of bamboo or light wood with a piece of tortoiseshell bound at right angles at one end.

A little bone comb is bound to the lower broad end of the tortoiseshell. The larger the comb, the greater the area on the skin is covered with fewer strokes.

The master uses a small mallet to repeatedly tap a short-handled instrument. The process takes days and is sometimes partially accomplished over longer periods, with recuperation in between.

Tattoo designs have changed to include freehand symbols such as the kava bowl representing hospitality; the characterization of the Samoan house or fale signifying kinship; emblems of nature — shells, fish, birds, waves, centipedes; and the traditional geometric lines and angles of different lengths and sizes.

Modern pop and rock have a large audience in Samoa, as do several native bands; these bands have abandoned most elements of Samoan traditional music, though there are folky performers.

Recently, the population has seen a resurgence of old Samoan songs, remixed in the style of reggae but with some traditional elements, such as the use of the pate and old chord structure.

In addition to this was the human voice. This limited range of instrumentation had no effect on the importance of music in Samoan life. Because there was no written language many stories and legends were propagated through song and the complex rhythms from the pate are essential in the performance of many Samoan dances.

In fact in many dances, the dancers themselves add to the rhythm by clapping their hands, and dependent upon the way in which the hand is held produce a range of different sounds.

Two instruments were developed that are now synonymous with Samoan music, the selo and the ukulele. The selo is a stringed instrument made from a broomstick, or similar object, attached to a large box, bucket or other object that acts as a sounding board.

A single length of string joins the top of the stick to the box, which is plucked to produce a sound similar to that of a bass.

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